The provision of housing, education and care for patients was increasingly based upon a set of raw, de-contextualised numbers, abandoning many of the quality-based considerations that had driven the immediate post-war rebuilding at the behest of Nye Bevan and Hugh Dalton, among others. At the same time, aspects of the welfare state and publicly owned facilities were slowly coming to be associated with decay and complacency. The Labour party became dominated by people from the upper- and lower-middle classes who brokered projects in order to renew cities in which they would not, usually, have to live.
His pre-occupation with the managerial theories espoused by Robert McNamara in the s, following an extended visit to the United States, gave Healey a technocratic perspective on many political questions.
Healey disliked Harold Wilson, despite achieving a stable Cabinet position at the relatively young age of forty-six [i]. Wilson remained somewhat detached from the powerful Gaitskellite right-wing grouping which he had inherited. At the same time, the personal rivalry between major players such as Callaghan, Jenkins and Healey was bitter and intense, making any attempt to depose Wilson impractical, even if all of them came to regard it as highly desirable. It was this same logic that led to the creation of the Defence Export Services Organisation DESO — a determined, and ultimately successful attempt to use public money to support British arms exports around the world.
This partially formalised an industry which had been covertly gaining ground in any case, with Britain, for example, having played a crucial role in helping Israel develop nuclear weapons throughout the s and s. With hindsight, the continuities between Labour and Conservative governments appear in many ways more striking than any discontinuities. After a spell in Opposition, Labour clawed back into office in amidst a deep economic crisis. By the time Healey became Chancellor, disposable income was beginning to replace shortages as the main economic issue following the oil shocks of the early s.
Circumstances were outside his control, but there appeared to be little in terms of overall direction, and the sense of economic chaos — though, it would seem, hugely overstated at the time — served to illustrate the lack of a wider governing vision. Despite the achievements of the minority Labour governments — and indeed, there were achievements — its totality can still be said to represent a political and philosophical dead-end. As part of a fragile minority government, he had to deal with frequent crises, but opportunities also presented themselves.
A chance to positively reject austerity was lost, ceding crucial ground to the nascent Thatcherite right, whilst the Bullock Report in provided a basis for the kind of economic democracy which had the potential to lock capital into a closer relationships with workplaces.
The Callaghan government, with Healey as Chancellor, failed to push. Whilst Tony Benn was ridiculed by the Civil Service, Denis Healey won their respect and, acting on their advice, he made a series of historically important misjudgements. Following the advice of Treasury officials, he opposed the setting up of a Norwegian-style sovereign fund from North Sea Oil receipts.
And again led by the Treasury, he steered the Labour government into the jaws of the IMF in and, as a condition to a loan which was not actually required, initiated a severe round of spending cuts. Marxist criticisms of Wilson government in the s based on accusations of managerialism and parliamentarism were acute and could be applied with even more vitriol against a Callaghan government which, with Healey as Chancellor, had adopted a form of austerity economics.
But the case can also be made that there was a more general failure to offer a social vision extending beyond that of the government; a failure to develop democracy and update the definitions of what a socialist government might be able to achieve.
In this sense, he differed from previous Labour leaders —including those on the right — who had always retained a degree of utopian and aesthetic intent. Some radical Labour branches in London e. At their most creative, different elements of the London Labour party were to suggest solutions based on cultural possibilities, suggesting, for example, that design could be more explicitly placed in the service of the public, rather than being a background activity, or something imposed by experts in the interests of a remote technocratic leadership.
Yet, disturbances were never restricted to overseas.
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It was little wonder, therefore, that Mrs. Thatcher resoundingly defeated it in Members of the Cabinet are in bold face. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Harold Wilson led the Government from — and was succeeded by James Callaghan. Callaghan led the Government from He was defeated at the general election. Minority dependent on Liberal support.
Edward Heath — Margaret Thatcher — February general election October general election. It is not to be confused with the Shadow Cabinet of James Callaghan. He did however serve as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. They did however serve as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party respectively. Morgan Britain Since The People's Peace. Retrieved 10 April Occupational Hearing Loss, Third Edition. CRC Press. Retrieved 6 August Oxford University Press.
March—October — Wilson Minority dependent on Liberal support Majority — Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Lord Elwyn-Jones. Lord President of the Council. Edward Short. The Lord Shepherd. Foreign Secretary. Home Secretary. Secretary of State for Defence.
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Secretary of State for Education and Science. Reg Prentice. Fred Mulley. Secretary of State for Employment. Secretary of State for Energy. Eric Varley.
Secretary of State for the Environment. Anthony Crosland. Secretary of State for Social Services. Secretary of State for Industry.
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